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محمد خليل

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مع الدكتور "إيميل سان لو" رجل الموقف التاريخي الصعب 4 من 4

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أوراق المؤتمر الوطني

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تسجيل مهرجان الجبهة في الذكرى الـ23 لتأسيسها

تقريرا مفصل عن

مجزرة سجن بوسليم

The Abu Sleem Prison Massacre in 1996

 

بيان فصائل المعارضة

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Declaration of Agreement on the Principles,Fundamentals, and Objectives Of the Libyan Struggle

 

مواقع ليبية

المؤتمر الوطني للمعارضة الليبية

ليبيا المستقبل

موقع الساطور

القذافي يهرج !!

ليبيا الباكور

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ليبيا الحرة

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ليبيا - المختار

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ليبيون من أجل العدالة

الاتحاد الدستوري الليبي
ليبيا ايمال

الاتحاد الليبي للمدافعين

عن حقوق الإنسان

 

ãáÝÇÊ ÎÇÕÉ æÏÑÇÓÇÊ

The NFSL Publishes

A Detailed Report of
The Abu Sleem Prison Massacre in 1996

(An Eye Witness Account)

 

Background 

The Prison:

The prison is located in the Abu Sleem district in Tripoli and is referred to as “Abu Sleem Prison” because of its location.  Formally, however, the prison is situated within a military compound for the Military Police, called the September 28th Military Police Compound.

 

Housed within this compound are the Administration for the military police and prisons, headed by Khairy Khalid, other administrative offices, storage facilities, a mosque, fueling station, various shops, and two prison buildings.

 

Each prison structure occupies an area of 10,000 sq meters (approximately 90,000 sq ft).  The prison building is divided into 8 cell blocks, two rows of four blocks; each block is 45m (~135 ft) long by 14m (~ 42 ft) wide.  Each block contains 14 cells, two rows of seven cells facing each other and separated by a hallway the length of the block and 2m (6ft) wide, except for blocks 7 and 8, which have 20 smaller cells each.  Cells are 6m x 6m (~ 18ft x 18f) with a 2m x 2m (6ft x 6ft) restroom and a window 40cm x 40cm (~ 15”x15”) located close to the 5m (15ft) high ceiling.  Between every two blocks is a courtyard the length of the block and 6-8m (18-24 ft) wide. 

 

 

The two prisons are separated and encircled by a concrete wall 6m (18ft) high with two gates, only one of which is used.  Guards monitor prisoners’ movements from towers located at the corners of the perimeter as well as towers overlooking the courtyards between the blocks.

 

Diagram of Cell Blocks in the Abu Sleem Prison

 

After 1988, Islamic groups became more politically active and faced a brutal, large scale crackdown from the various Security apparatuses.  Anyone engaged in such activities was formally labeled “Zealot.”  A special “Counter Zealots” office was established within the Domestic Security organization headed by Salah Al-Meshri to combat and crush the movement. 

 

In 1989 the number of detainees exceeded 1000.  That was before other “cases” followed.  First it was the Werfella case, then the Ejdabia case, the “Suitcase” case, and then some other individual cases such as the Mohamed Abdulatif Al-Refae, individuals from Tunisia, members of the Chadian opposition, and many others.  All these detainees were locked up in the smaller cells (Blocks 7&8).  Often each small cell was home for 22-25 prisoners, crowded in and suffering unbearable conditions of cramped quarters, unsanitary conditions, scarcity of food, lack of any medical attention, and inhumane treatment by the guards.

 

The Guards:

The guards can be divided into three groups:

 

First group:  Hateful and vengeful.  They behave as though they are there to represent their master (Ghaddafi) and would do anything they think would please him.  Their attitude is that any person in that prison is guilty and deserves to be tortured, humiliated, and deprived of everything.

 

This group is headed by the warden, Colonel Amer Elmisallati.  Colonel Misallati had once been convicted and jailed in 1967 (during the time of the King) for robbing and murdering a Jewish family.  He was released during the early days of Ghaddafi’s coup and went on to join the Personal Guards Brigade.

 

He did not care in the least for the people he had in his prison.  In his view they were unworthy of any sympathy, they were enemies.  He viewed the prisoners as sub-humans; their lives, possessions, and honor could legitimately be violated. He stole from and abused whomever he pleased at well.  He would typically get first pick at prisoners’ possessions leaving the crumbs for his lieutenants.

 

Assisting Colonel Misallati in dehumanizing the prisoners was a set of characters that included:

  • Abdulkadir Al-Tawergi (Al-Karn)

  • Ibrahim Al-Tabroori

  • Milad Al-Zewai (specializing in beatings and torture)

  • Saleh Sultan

  • Khalifa Al-Magtoof

  • Ali Al-Ghannai (died later)

  • Abdullah Al-Amin

  • Masoud Al-Mashai

  • Mohamed Al-Garbooa

  • Mansur Al-Toomi

  • Mansur Ashour

  • And the list goes on.

Second group: Opportunists, cowards.  They are always looking for ways to exploit the prisoners.  Their main goal is personal gain.  They seem to be afraid and intimidated by both the prisoners and the first group guards.

 

Third group: Relatively helpful.  They try to offer assistance in the form of handling mail to and from the prisoners and at times make purchases of some personal needs for the prisoners. This group is very small and their help is sporadic.

 

 

The Massacre:

 

After the huge influx in 1989-1990, detainees were categorized into three groups: A, B, and C.  Members of group C, approximately 450 detainees, were told they would be released after a brief indoctrination period.  For two weeks they attended classes taught by members of the Revolutionary Committees, Domestic Security, and the Clergy.  Special meals were brought in from a nearby upscale restaurant.  Detainees were allowed to meet in groups, leisure in the sun, exercise, etc.  At the end of the program, however, only 130 detainees were released and the remaining 320 were “re-classified.”  They were devastated, depressed, and desperate. 

 

They were terrified of being left there, forgotten and without formal charges or trials.  They were terrified of arbitrarily harsh long sentences, and inhumane treatment. 7 members of room 7, Block 1 decided to escape.  5 others joined them, minutes before they made their escape at dinner time.

 

Everything changed after this incident.  All visitations were cancelled, and all prisoners’ belongings, including clothes, were confiscated.  Prisoners were allowed to have nothing more than their prison uniforms, mats to sleep on and two blankets.  Selected members of the “first group” of guards were put in charge of administering the new special treatment.  Penalties increased, prisoners were beaten every time they walked out to get their meals, quality of food, when available, deteriorated even further, garbage was not removed, and prisoners were forced to live with backed up and over flowing sewers.  The difference between life and death became very blurry.  Many attempts were made to meet with the warden to discuss these conditions to no avail.  At that point some of the prisoners decided to try a different method; they decided to protest.

 

The events started at 4:30 PM on Friday June 29th 1996.  A group of guards, aided by some prisoners, came into the cell block to deliver the dinner meal.  When guard Omar Fathallah opened the door to one cell and walked in, prisoners were waiting for him hidden behind the door.  They pushed him from behind and he fell hard on his face hitting the concrete floor and loosing consciousness.  The prisoners came rushing out of the cell.  Seeing what happened to their colleague and the prisoners coming out, the other guards ran toward the exit of the cell bock.

 

The prisoners continued to chase the guards out of the building and to break the locks on other cells freeing other prisoners.  The guards went out into the courtyard, but the prisoners were fired upon when they stepped out of their cell blocks.  They threw rocks at the guards, one of whom was Khalifa Al-Magtoof who was hoisted up to safety, using a blanket, by other guards at the roof of the block.  Another guard was injured and left lying on the ground in the courtyard.  Guards fired at the prisoners.  Before it was over 6 prisoners were killed and 11 injured.

 

The head of the guards contacted the Information Office within the compound.  Military Police were soon there to control the situation.  The prisoners remained outside the cells.  High profile individuals were on the scene:  Khairy Khalid, Abdullah Senusi, Khalifa Hnesh, Ammar Elttayef, Mustafa Al-Zaidi, Musa Kusa, and other officials. 

 

Abdullah Senusi asked to negotiate with the prisoners and Masoud AL-Mashai facilitated his request.  Each cell block nominated a representative and together they presented their demands.  They called for allowing visitations, food, improved treatment by guards, and medical treatment.  Abdullah Senusi informed the prisoners that, although he could easily order the whole prison with its occupants to be destroyed, he would convey their requests to the authorities.  However, they had to first return to their cells and accept to be locked in.  The prisoners agreed.  All those in need of medical attention were told to board buses that would take them to hospitals.  About 120 people boarded the buses.  Those who were accused of belonging to opposition groups were ordered to get off the buses.  All others were taken outside the prison section to a different part of the compound.  They were lined up and shot execution style by young conscripts whose choices were shoot, or stand with them to be shot.  This was later reported by an officer, who defied orders that night and was able to escape.

 

That night prisoners in cell block 2, almost all of whom were from the “C” group, and all other prisoners accused of opposition activities were taken out of their cells and into the courtyard.  The same happened to cell blocks 1, 3, 4, 5, 6.  The only prisoners left in their cells were the ones in block 7 & 8, the Werfalla group, approximately 60 people, whose cell locks could not be broken.

 

At approximately 11:00 PM, hand grenades were thrown into the crowds of prisoners, followed by continuous firing from different weapons like Ak47s, General Purpose Machine guns, crowd control machine guns.  The raining of bullets continued for an entire hour.  Others were brought in from the military prison, the group that attempted to escape as mentioned earlier, members of a group from the city of Derna, most of whom had amputated limps from clashes with Security agents.  Ahmad Al-Thulthy was shot point blank in front of the administration building.  The killings and executions were carried out by the “Security Brigade” lead by Mansur Dhao.

 

The killing continued for the next three days.  Guards and Security agents would go back and further shoot the wounded whose injuries had not been fatal.  The bodies remained in a pile in the courtyard.  When night fell on the first day of killing, two refrigerated trucks pulled into the courtyard; one belonged to the Meat Transportation Company, the other to the Marine Fisheries Company.  Guards loaded some of the corpses into the trucks, but the trucks did not leave until daybreak.

 

Nothing happened and nothing moved until Sunday night when the same trucks returned.  The same operation was repeated.  On Monday, and because of the sun and the heat, the stench of the corpses became unbearable.  They no longer used the refrigerated trucks.  Instead a large container, the type used in railroads, was brought in and they used a forklift to load the remaining corpses into the container.  This continued through Tuesday, but the stench persisted despite the disinfectants and chemicals they used inside and outside the prison.  Residents of the Abu Sleem district know and remember this well.

 

Some say the bodies were buried inside the compound, but I say they were buried elsewhere for the following reasons.

 

  • The bodies could easily be discovered within the compound.  The regime is too smart to implicate itself.

  • The number of corpses was too large; it was reported that 1170 prisoners were killed, according to a witness who actually counted them.

  • Had they buried them within the compound they would not have needed to use refrigerated trucks or leave the bodies out there in the sun and the heat.  They could have used smaller cars and buried them much faster.

  • The rumor going around the internet regarding the unearthing of the bodies is not true.

 

Most of the guards rushed to strip the dead bodies of their watches, rings, glasses, and search their pockets.  They took everything they could find.  They also confiscated all the clothes, blankets, radios, which belonged to the dead, and divided them among themselves.  The warden’s share was all the fans, space heaters, and other electronics devices.  He then sold these items to his guards, who in turn sold them to prisoners brought in after 1996.

 

The fine details of what happened in those three or four days were relayed by a ruthless criminal, Khamis Al-Ghannai.  This is the same individual who, in 1984, right after the failed attempt to topple the Gaddafi regime, urinated in public upon the fallen bodies of those who died trying to rid Libya of this dictator.  Because of this display of loyalty, he was made a member of the inner circle called, the “First Security Circle.”  Mr Al-Ghannai participated in the massacre in 1996.

 

In an ironic twist of fate, Mr. Ghannai later fell out of grace and became an enemy of the regime.  He was arrested and accused of attempting to assassinate “the leader,” meaning Gaddafi.  His house, near the Shatey Hotel, was demolished and his family was thrown out on the street.

 

Lastly, in those horrific days, those who did not come out of their cells were shot right in their cells.  The only prisoners who escaped the massacre were the members of the “Werfella Case.”  They were ordered to collect all the bullet casings and to repair the damage to the walls made by the bullet.  One can still see remnants of this damage in the cell doors.

 

My apology if these notes are incoherent in places, I wrote them in haste and in fear, then tore them up fearing that the friend with whom I planned to smuggle them had already left.
 


Arabic Version     ÇáäÓÎÉ ÇáÚÑÈíÉ


 

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